Pan-Indianism, by any definition, has sustained a vital American Indian practice, the powwow. At times the powwow has seemed homogenieous across many tribes. At other times a conglomerate of traits has served to revive an individual tribal past. But whether tribalistic or Pan-Indianistic, the complex is irrefutably "Indian."

Today we are witnessing a cultural metamorphosis which may nationalize the American Indian, but the degree to which nationalization can replace tribal identity is little known. In the past, what has been suggested as typical Pan-Indian has been basically an aggregate of Pan-Plains cultural elements. Thomas (1965) states:

...It is on the Plains that we find the historic roots of modern Pan-Indianism. The horse not only enabled Plains Indians to become extremely mobile in hunting and "warfare," but also increased inter-tribal contacts. Even a sign language developed in the area to provide communication across linguistic boundaries. By the 1800's not only had intensive "warfare" and very mobile hunting developed, but tribes were beginning to ally with one another, camp with one another and inter-marry with one another. Most significant for the later development of Pan-Indianism, the Plains style of life was extremely attractive to tribes on the edges of the Plains area. Plains traits and institutions were spreading to other areas even at the time that Plains Indians were becoming pacified and settled on reservations. Indeed, the Plains style of life was very attractive to American Indians completely outside of the Plains area. This is one of the historic sources and causes of what is generally referred to as "Pan-Indianism" which I am suggesting now is in some degree an extension of the Plains culture area.

Not only have the music and dance aspects of Pan-Indianism been treated as an extension of the plains culture, but most anthropologists have tended to investigate the complex as it flourishes in Oklahoma (Howard 1955) and in urban America wherever there are American Indian centers (Lurie 1965). In Oklahoma and in a number of cities Indians representing a multitude of tribes congregate but are not always conscious of the nature of their unification.

Previous definitions tended to focus on Pan-Indianism in its aggregate form without taking into consideration the many ramifications of its elements (tribal or non-Indian) which comprise the total complex. Yet each element of Pan-Indianism can be traced to either tribal or non-Indian origins. In treating Pan-Indianism as an aggregate, only the results of Pan-Indianism become apparent, and the causative elements are neglected. Hence, the individuals directly involved in Pan-Indian events seem to be the recipients of what might be termed incongruous tribal innovations.

Three questions may be raised. What are the prominent elements in Oklahoma Pan-Indianism which are alien and incompatible with well-rooted tribalistic patterns?   What form does Pan-Indianism take in a tribe or division of tribes which are closely related by a common language and a sense of tribal heritage?   Where tribal identity is still strong, particularly on reservations, what elements does a tribe contribute to Pan-Indianism outside their boundaries?   Here we will discuss the various elements of Pan-Indianism as they appear among a Teton division, the Oglala, and analyze to what extent typical Oklahoma Pan-Indianism effects what might be called the "Pan-Teton" complex as it is manifested in North and South Dakota.

The Pan-Teton Complex

Pan-Tetonism, as used here, is the complex whole shared by seven Teton tribes with similarities in language, historical relationship, interpretation of various Plains traits such as the Sun dance, vision quest, and warrior and chief societies. The seven tribes designate themselves as (1) Oglala, "they scatter their own"; (2) Sicangu, "burned thighs," also known as Brule; (3)Mnikowoju, "they plant near the water," also called Mniconjou; (4) Hunkpapa, "end of the horn";(5) Sihasapa, "black foot"; (6) Itazipcola, "without bows," also called Sans Arc; and (7) Oohe nunpa, "two boilings," also called Two Kettle. Historically the Oglala and Sicangu are referred to as the southern Teton, while the remaining five are known collectively as the Saone, an anglicized spelling of canona (Nakota dialect). The origin of this word has been lost, but it refers in some way to "woods." Although linguistically and historically related, the tribes do not have identical traits;   in fact, there are differences in Lakota dialect from reservation to reservation, and some disagreement from tribe to tribe as to who was the most important in history, for instance [see Lakota Society].

Within Pan-Tetonism there are two forces. One is "tradition," which all members of the complex refer to as Lakota. The other is rooted in North Dakota and is referred to by the tribes living in South Dakota as "North Dakota." Both forces have been influenced by Oklahoma Pan-Indianism, especially in the mid-1950's, and it is my contention that, historically, the strongest influences on the Teton tribes have come from within the Pan-Teton complex itself. Hence, the South Dakotans are more directly influenced by that which is "North Dakota" than that which is generally accepted as Pan-Indian. the greatest significance is that, more than ever, today the Pan-Teton group is influencing the larger Pan-Indian complex, in some instances proving even more significant than Oklahoma Pan-Indianism.

To illustrate the connections between Oklahoma Pan-Indianism and Pan-Tetonism, we shall investigate (1) characteristic elements of Oklahoma Pan-Indianism;   (2) characteristic elements of Pan-Tetonism;   (3) Oklahoma elements found in Pan-Tetonism;   (4) Pan-Teton elements found in Oklahoma Pan-Indianism; and (5) the Oglala (survival versus revival).

The Oglala will serve to illustrate Pan-Tetonism, keeping in mind that criteria would change somewhat if a North Dakota tribe were substituted. The specific media for analysis are music and dance, including those customs and paraphernalia which are employed in the performance of music and dance.

Characteristic Elements of Oklahoma Pan-Indianism

Following are brief descriptions of those elements which are most constant at Oklahoma "powwows."

Powwow

The "powwow" is the main Pan-Indian celebration. It is a secular event featuring group singing and social dancing by men, women and children. The elements of the powwow orignate both from tribal functions and from non-Indian influences. The concept of today's powwow is a vestige of the Grass dance complex that spread across the Great Plains during the mid-nineteenth century. The powwow in Oklahoma is sponsored by almost all Plains tribes, and may take place on patriotic holidays such as the Kiowa Veterans' Day celebration. Sometimes smaller powwows are held spontaneously. In larger cities, at the local Indian centers many are held on a weekly or monthly basis.

War Dance

The most prominent dance at the powwow is the War dance. While performed by men, women, and children, it is designed primarily for men. The dance is free style and individualistic, although there are common steps and a variety of accepted body movements. The male dancers improvise on a theme;   the women perform one basic walking step. In Oklahoma, the dance has two forms:   the Fancy War dance, a fast and lively style which is also used for contest dancing;   and the Straight dance, a slow, conservative dance. War dance has influenced non-Oklahoma Indians across the nation, while the Straight dance (with many customs observed in the original Grass dance) is not popular outside the state.

During the course of a powwow, which may last from one evening to a weekend, the War dance is danced more than any other. In Oklahoma the songs are usually sung in series of four, each song being sung progressively faster, with only a slight pause between them to keep the dancers on the floor.

War Dance Song

This song is sung for the War dance accompaniment. While there are literally hundreds of War dance songs, they all conform to one basic structure [see War dance]. In Oklahoma, they are sung without words, only vocables. Many of today's songs have diffused from the north, and there is some indication that Oklahoma musical creativity is diminishing.

The Procession

This is a parade-like dance which usually brings the dancers onto the dance area. One of the most popular songs is adapted from a Comanche religious song sung without its original words. The procession concept is non-Indian in origin.

The Round Dance

This is the second most popular dance at a powwow, and is performed in a circle by men, women, and children moving clockwise. Sometimes the dancers hold hands or lock arms, but this is not mandatory. The Round dance is different from any other and must not be confused with other dances performed in a circle. When there is no processional, the Round dance is performed first. The name "Welcome dance" is often applied to it in urban centers. Its origin is most often attributed to the Plains "Scalp dance" or other societal dances performed in a circle.

Round Dance Songs

Round dance songs are sung exclusively for the Round dance, and although there are hundreds of them, they, like the War dance songs, conform to a singular pattern easily recognizable by the dancers.

The Forty-nine

The Forty-nine is a social dance for young men and women performed in concentric circles around a group of male singers who beat on a drun or any resonator. It is always performed at night, in mufti, usually in darkness. Owing to frequent drinking by the participants, sometimes followed by drunken brawls, local authorities attempt to prevent Forty-nines whenever possible. The origin of this dance was in Oklahoma and has been described by Feder (1964).

Forty-nine Songs

These songs are sung exclusively for Forty-nines, often without words, although many contain English phrases. They are played faster than Round dance songs but have a similar structure. One has its origin in Kiowa War Travel songs.

Stomp Dance

This dance, one of the few non-Plains elements in Oklahoma Pan-Indianism, is Creek-Seminole in origin, but it has become an integral part of the powwow. The dance is serpentine, like follow-the-leader;   its songs ae antiphonal and vary, depending on the repertory of the leader. Both men and women participate. The women wear turtle shell or milk can "shakers" strapped below their knees. This provides the only accompaniment. The Creek-Seminole Stomp dance has been described by Howard (1965);   the Iroquois version, by Kurath (1964). It fits in well as a competitor of the Forty-nine. At some powwows both dances occur simultaneously a few yards apart. The young people run back and forth from one dance to another, forming concentric circles at the Forty-nine or attaching themselves to the tail of the Stomp dance line.

Contests

The most popular is the Fancy War dance contest, which is divided into age groups - junior and senior. The rules of the contest generally state that the dancers (who are judged on an individual or "championship" basis) must keep in time with the music, stop on precisely the last beat of the drum, and not drop any article of costuming. The songs for the Fancy War dance contest are extremely fast and are normally sung through twice without a coda. There are also contests in Straight dancing and miscellaneous specialty dances. Contests of these types are non-Indian in origin.

Powwow Princess

At each of the larger Pan-Indian powwows, a powwow princess representing her tribe and/or the celebration itself is chosen. Prequisites match those of most non-Indian beauty contests, but she must (1) have a certain percentage of Indian blood and (2) be dressed in the traditional costume of her tribe. Upon being invested as powwow princess, she usually leads the Round dance and Two-step with the head dancer.

Head Dancer

A head dancer is usually a young Fancy dancer and championship War dancer whose duty it is to lead (be the first to dance) each War dance. No other dancer may begin until the head dancer is on the floor. At larger celebrations more than one may be chosen, and frequently females are chosen as head lady dancer.

Tail Dancer

Tail dancers are found only in conjunction with Straight dance rules and are a vestige of a Grass dance custom.

Female War Dancers

There are a handful of young women who dress in the manner of young men and dance the War dances with equally virile movements. This appears to have originated in Oklahoma.

Giveaway

The custom of giving away to friends or in honor of someone, usually a deceased relative, is observed in Oklahoma and usually takes place between War dances and other parts of the program. This custom is observed by all Plains tribes, but the formality of the giveaway has its genesis in the Grass dance complex.

Feast

At some powwows, food is given away to anybody who attends. This is also a standard Pan-Plains trait.

Committee

Each powwow has a committee which oversees all arrangements, including the selection of the head dancers, singers, master of ceremonies, and other miscellaneous details. The announcements at Oklahoma powwows are made in English;   however, upon occasion an old man may be asked to give an invocation in his tribal language. The committee is a vestige of the various men's societies which alternated as sponsers.

Flag Song

Most tribes have their own Flag songs, which supplant the National Anthem at powwow functions. Most good singers know the Flag songs of other tribes. They are usually sung with vocables only;   however, each song has a set of words which are sung at purely tribal functions. The Flag song is of non-Indian origin and became one of the patriotic elements initiated by Indian participation in World War 1.

Specials

There are a number of dances called "specials" that are performed in conjunction with Pan-Indian powwows. They are usually show numbers, although some are purely social dances in which all participate. Normally the dances listed below are performed only once a day (or evening), whereas the dances mentioned above are performed in suddession throughout the day and night. The most frequent dances are the following:

1. Two-step. A partner dance in which men and women grasp in the skater's position and shuffle forward. Its origin is non-Indian, a simulated waltz first observed at Army posts.

2. Snake and Buffalo. A group dance for men and women. Actually they are two dances performed in succession, as if they were one. The Snake dance is a follow-the-leader dance. The first man in line is the head of the snake, and last man is the tail. The Buffalo dance is originally a Plains dance - probably Comanche - in which the dancers imitate the movements of the buffalo.

3. Spear and Shield dance. A typical show dance in which two men, or several groups of two, carrying spears and shields pretend to fight each other. It was originated purely for show.

4. Hoop dance. Another spectacular show dance in which a solo dancer manipulates one or more hoops over and about his body. Sometimes there are Hoop dance contests. The origin is debatable. The greatest exponents are the Pueblos;   however, dancers on the Northern Plains carried similar hoops in dream society functions.

Each of the above except the Hoop dance has its own particular songs which are not interchangeable with any other. The Hoop dance is usually accompanied by a standard War dance song.

Men's Costumes

Howard (1956) has described the Fancy War dance costume of the Oklahoma male. The style of this costume is found nearly everywhere Pan-Indian dancers celebrate. There are no tribal differences. It basically consists of a porcupine and deer tail headdress, beaded aprons, cuffs, armbands, belt, galluses, moccasins, choker, and charateristic neck and tail feathers called "bustles." The Oklahoma costume is highly tailored by non-Indian standards, featuring matched beadwork and featherwork.

Peyote Paraphernalia

Even though the Oklahoma Pan-Indian powwows are of a secular nature, certain religious items connected with Peyotism are carried by male and female dancers. These include fans, silverwork accessories, blankets, and sashes. Wearing Peyote paraphernalia does not necessarily indicate that the dancer is a Peyotist.

Patriotic Organizations

A highlight of many Pan-Indian powwows is the presence of various Indian patriotic organizations, such as the War Mothers Club, Veterans of Foreigh Wars, and American Legion. Occasionally dances are either sponsored by them or given in their behalf.

Characteristic Elements of Pan-Tetonism

The elements of Oklahoma Pan-Indianism described above have infiltrated Pine Ridge, but the Oglala have not completely forsaken tribal customs for the "new" Indianism. There are elements which parallel each other but, in the main, Pan-Indianism simply provides a framework for specific tribal celebrations, in which the dances and songs are generally related to earlier tribal functions.

To illustrate, let us compare typical Oglala elements with those found in Oklahoma:

Powwow

This term was used commonly to denote what was originally called wowaci, or wacipi, both nouns signifying "dance," between the 1950's and 1970's. The older Lakota term is popular again. When speaking Lakota, the traditional term is awlays used in preference to "powwow." This is not true in other instances when a common English word replaces a Lakota equivalent.

War Dance

These word are becoming popular. However, in Lakota the general term is Omaha wacipi, "Omaha dance." thus called because the Oglala received the older Grass dance from the Omaha tribe. The traditional Omaha dance of the Oglala closely resembles the Oklahoma Straight dance but is less conservative in movement. In the mid-1950's the Oklahoma style of War dancing became popular on the Pine Ridge reservation along with the Oklahoma Fancy dance costumes. In the 1960's many Oglala adapted the North Dakota style, in both dance and costume. More recently, beginning in the 1970's, the Oglala have created what some call "New Sioux" (Theisz 1974).

To fully appreciate the nuances of War dancing, it is neccessary to discuss just what is meant by "style" and constitutes "popular styles."

In all Pan-Indian War dancing, whether in Oklahoma, in urban areas, or on reservations, there are primary styles of War dancing, each having secondary, or more, substyles siscernible to the trained eye.

Style in dancing does not apply only to certain accepted dance patterns, choreography, or standardized steps, postures, and directional movements. It also reveals a certain attitude. Ultimately, the "good" dancer is judged by other dancers and the general viewing public on his ability to combine an accepted style with his personal attitude, which ultimately becomes his style, his individuality expressed through the medium of dance. Thus there is an infinite variety of substyles, but for the sake of taxonomy, we will discuss only three:   (1) traditional style;   (2) Oklahoma style; and (3) Northern style, because all three have predominated on the Plains.

The Traditional Style

This is the original Grass dance style, which was popular during the mid-nineteenth century and which stilll survives through performances by some of the older conservatives. It was also the typical "show" dancing of the Buffalo Bill tours. The characteristic features are the concentrated use of the head and shoulders;   the full exposure of the face and chest, suggesting a sense of arrogance or pride;   and little concern with footwork other than keeping time to the music. The entire upper torso dances;   the face is alive with expression, an explicit awareness of enjoying the dance. Traditional-style dancers are similar through all tribes. There is some vestige of traditional style in Oklahoma, but for the most part it survives on reservations. The younger generation looks upon traditional style as old-fashioned, but the older generation looks with admiration at the few exponents of this style and agree that this is ikcewacipi, "real dancing," or ikceLakota, "old-time Indian."

The Oklahoma Style

This style, the one most often reported as the "Pan-Indian" style, originated in Oklahoma at the turn of the twentieth century. It was disseminated in urban areas by relocated Indians, eventually reaching all over the nation. The major differences between Oklahoma style and traditional style are the former's faster tempo and emphasis on fancy footwork, with less regard for head and shoulder movements. There are abrupt changes in posture with quick spins and dips. It has become the accepted contest and show dance at intertribal gatherings in Oklahoma and urban areas, and in the mid-1950's was popular at Pine Ridge for possibly five years.

The Northern Style

Like the Oklahoma Fancy War dance, the Northern style sems to have originated at the time of World War 1. Its greatest exponents are the Cree, Three Affiliated Tribes, Plains Ojibwa, Canadian Lakota, and Dakota, as well as the Lakota of Standing Rock, Cheyenne River, and recently Rosebud and Pine Ridge (in the order of diffusion). The Northern style took root in Pine Ridge about 1960, although Northern dancers had always participated in the Sun dance secular events to some degree.

It differs from both traditional and Oklahoma style in its footwork and body movements, although it employs more traditional-style elements than does the Oklahoma style. Characteristically, Northern dancers shake their shoulders, sway their torso (from the hips) from side to side, dart suddenly, changing their direction of dance, and employ a series of trick steps giving the appearance that they are off balance, but they always gracefully recover.

What is most significant is the attitude of the younger Northern dancers:   "cool," "hip" (many wear dark glasses); they convey a feling that they are dancing for themselves, but spasmodically and furiously, as if suddenly shaken from a deep narcosis. In contrast with the Oklahoma style, the Northern dancer is not committed to the viewing public but only to himself;   yet periodically in the song he becomes alive with enthusiasm in his movements.

In 1960, the Oglala were somewhat skeptical, if not derisive, about the "North Dakota" influence. While the North Dakota Lakota simply called their particular style Peji Waci, "Grass dance," the Oglala called it Galala Waci, "Ribbon dance," because the Northern dancers wore long fringes on their back aprons. The conservative Oglala described the most significant part of the dance as iglucancan, a verb meaning "to shake oneself," and explained that the dancers wore "raggy" costumes (instead of using chainette fringe, some dancers cut fringe from cotton cloth). Today, conservative Oglala prefer that which is "traditional" to that which is "North Dakota," but the Northern style, it would appear, has found some acceptance at Pine Ridge.

War Dance Songs

It is unquestionably in the music that the Pan-Teton group makes its greatest contribution to Pan-Indianism. Music composed at Pine Ridge is finding its way into the repertory of singers outside the Pan-Teton complex. First, this is possible because War dance music of all Plains tribes is interchangeable. Second, Oglala music is particularly vital;   new pieces are composed every year. The Oglala today also draw heavily from the north and have become prime instruments in diffusing Northern music to Oklahoma as well as to urban areas.

The War dance song is generically described by the Oglala as Omaha olowan, "Omaha song." Certain songs have words, while others have only vocables (Powers 1961). This is one of the major links in the Pan-Teton structure:   that every word-song is mutually intelligible by the seven tribes. Consequently, word-songs diffuse rapidly within the Pan-Teton structure.

But, just as there are primary dance styles, there are also related song styles, and at Pine Ridge traditional songs, although still vital at tribal events, are frequently replaced by Northern-style songs, that is, songs diffusing from "North Dakota," at larger celebrations such as the Sun dance. However, the Oglala have never included Oklahoma songs in their War dance repertories.

Traditional Songs

The majority of Omaha songs of this category have words, and many can be traced to pre-reservation days. Densmore(1918) recorded similar songs among the Hunkpapa at Standing Rock. The peculiarities of the traditional songs, however, are more closely related by their structure and the style in which they are sung. All traditional songs begin with a particular kind of introductory phrase containing vocal ornamentation - sometimes resembling animal cries. They are sung three or four times through and end with a brief coda called sinte, "tail." The music is accompanied by drumming - a steady, pulsating beat periodically emphasized with accented duple beats. Some traditional songs end without drum accompaniment. Like other song styles typical of the Plains, the melodic lines are constructed on a descending or cascading scale.

Oklahoma Songs

Songs composed in Oklahoma have not diffused to the Oglala, although the reverse is true. Basically, the Oklahoma song style is closely related to the Oglala traditional style, but the songs are sung in a lower register. Oklahoma Indians agree that the Lakota sing " really high." When Oglala songs diffuse to Oklahoma, their register is lowered and phonetics are altered to conform to Oklahoma vocables.

Northern Songs

All three styles conform to a basic song structure;   however, Northern songs have several characteristics which make them unique. They are, first of all, sung in a much higher register than either of the two previous styles. Many traditional singers are unable to employ this vocal technique. The introductory phrase of the songs is sung soprano (some Oglalas refer to these voices as "tenors") in elongated, sustained, clear tones. The coda is repeated, often more times than the theme proper of the song. Often the drumming decreases in volume at the end of the song until it is inaudible;   the last beat is accented. Many of the "new powwow" songs on the Teton reservations are Northern, not traditional. Their origin may be traced to the Canadian Plains.

Procession

At one time there were no processions as such in Pine Ridge. The Oglala did perform a "Snake" dance in the 1960's which usually took place at least once during each day of the celebration, in order to count the dancers. The length of the dance depended on how quickly the committee tallied the dancers. The step was the common War dance step; " the movement, follow-the-leader in a counterclockwise direction. This was obviously a copy of the Snake and Buffalo dance of Oklahoma, and any Omaha song could be used as accompaniment. In the 1970's, the Snake dance was replaced by the Grand Entry, which resembles the Oklahoma procession.

The Round Dance

This has never been as popular a dance at Pine Ridge as in Oklahoma. The Lakota have several circle dances, most of which are related to former war societies and to the women's Victory dance, in which female relatives of warriors carried trophies of war. The Round dance is most conspicuous at other Pan-Indian functions, especially in Oklahoma. At Pine Ridge the Round dance is called Naslohan Wacipi, "Dragging Feet dance," so called because of its particular sidestepping movement. It was commonly referred to in the late 1940's and early 1950's as the Kangi Wacipi, "Crow dance," which was originally a dance of the Kangi yuha okolakiciye, "Crow Owners Society," and appropriate Crow Owner songs were used for its accompaniment. Another circle dance, Tokala Wacipi, "Fox dance," a remnant of the Tokala Okolakiciye, "Fox" or "Kit Fox Society," was also popular during the late 1940's and early 1950's. Both societies have been described by Wissler (1912).

Round Dance Songs

While there is a class of songs specifically sung for Naslohan Wacipi, some with patriotic themes, others with vocables or English lyrics, they are not as popular as Omaha songs. Between the Oklahoma and Oglala songs, tribes outside the Pan-Teton complex consider Oklahoma Round dance songs more melodic ("prettier").

The Forty-nine

The Forty-nine has never received a strong reception at Pine Ridge, although there was some attempt to perform the dance in the late 1930's or early 1940's. The Oglala performed it indoors, dancing in mixed couples under blankets. It was allegedly suppressed by the government superintendent because of licentiousness.

Forty-nine Songs

Forty-nine songs composed on the Teton reservations resemble Oklahoma songs rhythmically but are unrelated melodically. The Tetons prefer word-songs partially in Lakota and partially in English.

Stomp Dance

The Creek-Seminole style of Stomp has never reached the Oglala. There is, however, a dance called Nasto Wacipi, which translated means "Stomp dance," in which the dancers prance to the accompaniment of a slow, steady beat of the drum, which changes to a fast Omaha dance. There are many Stomp dance songs identical in structure. The Stomp dance as performed at Pine Ridge and Rosebud is part of the "North Dakota" influence, and is also popular at Cheyenne River and Standing Rock. It reached the Oglala in the early 1960's, and continues to be popular as a contest song.

Contests

While the Oklahoma groups seem to thrive on contests, there are relatively few in Pine Ridge. In fact, the idea of a contest reached Pine Ridge only in the early 1960's. Up to that time, one heard many dancers brag of their "championships," but these were usually won off reservation. There once were War dance contests at most of the smaller powwows, and at the annual Sun dance, but interest is on the decline. The contests are officiated (as the Oglala say) "Oklahoma style." The Oglala admit that stopping on the last beat of the drum was never considered important until they heard of it in Oklahoma. The typical characteristic of the Oglala contest is endurance. The War dance songs, in contrast with the twice-through version in Oklahoma, may be sung through eight or nine times. The dancers must keep in time, and loss of an article of costuming means immediate disqualification. Most War dance champions at Pine Ridge and Rosebud are in their late teens. Most contests take place at urban powwows or at reservation fairs.

Powwow Princess

Like the contest, the selection of the powwow princess is new;   it became popular in the 1960's. At the 1966 Sun dance, there was for the first time a powwow princess selected from candidates from each of the reservation districts - similar to the Oklahoma method of selecting from candidates of representative Oklahoma tribes. The powwow princess at Pine Ridge, however, never played a particularly important role at the Sun dance, whereas the Oklahoma princess, with the head dancer, leads the Round dance and the Two-step.

Head Dancer

There are no head dancer roles at Pine Ridge.

Tail Dancer

There are no tail dancer roles at Pine Ridge, although they were common up through the 1940's.

Whip Dancer

Whip dancers were common through the late 1940's, but have not been witnesed since. These dancers were originally members of the Omaha Okolakiciye, "Omaha Society," described by Wissler (1912).

Whistle Bearers

According to Howard, certain dancers may prolong the dance by blowing their whistles over the heads of the singers. This is a Northern influence popular at Pine Ridge in the early 1960's.

Female War Dancers

These have never been popular at Pine Ridge;   however, in 1965 at least one War dance contest in Rapid City, South Dakota, was won by a young lady dressed as a male. It might be well to note that Oglala singers were impressed by a group of female War dance singers from Crow Agency, Montana, who performed at many of the North Dakota powwows.

Giveaway

Otuĥ'anpi, "giveaway," has always been a popular custom at Pine Ridge, and still survives at smaller powwows and other functions of a religious or secular nature. In the giveaway ceremony, one gives something of value or money to another, usually in honor of a deceased relative. At Pine Ridge there are appropriate giveaway songs in which the singers mention the name of the deceased. All transactions are handled through the eyapaha, "announcer, " who states the intentions of the donor. The singers are also recipients of donations. Giveaway was always popular at all events, but has decreased at the Sun dance powwows because it interrupts dancing time.

Feast

The wohanpi, "feast," takes place at all Oglala functions. Buffalo meat is normally served at the Sun dance;   beef, at smaller functions. Dog meat is still served to the older men and women.

Committee

The committee, called mazaša yuha, "has the penny (money)," is the sponsor of the powwow. The Oglsls Sioux Tribal Council elects a committee to organize the Sun dance, but all the smaller functions are run by committees chosen from wh=ithin the district in which the powwow takes place. The committee has always been an Oglala institution, dating back to war and chief societies.

Flag Songs

Since World War II the Oglala have had a Flag song which they call the "National Anthem," and which serves that purpose at most tribal events. During the raising and lowering of the American flag, it is sung by an individual over a public address system, or by a group with drum accompaniment. The words, transcribed on the home page for this site, are:

Tunkašilayapi tawapaha kin oihankešni he najin kte lo.
Iyoĥlate kin oyate kin cana wicicagin kta ca lecamon welo.

The flag of the United States will stand forever.
Beneath it the people will live on. That is why I do this [honor the flag].

The Flag song is sung on all Lakota reservations;   however, each reservation has its own set of words which are similar but not identical. During the Flag song, the people rise and men remove their hats.

Specials

As in Oklahoma, there are a munber of specialty dances. Most are specifically Pan-Teton in nature and have not been diffused to other reservations or urban areas. The dances most often performed are the following:

1. The Maštincala Wacipi, "Rabbit dance" (Powers 1962), which is choreographically similar to the Oklahoma Two-step. There is a class of Rabbit dance songs which are used exclusively as accompaniment. A dance similar to the Rabbit dance is called Owl dance in North Dakota.

2. The Tunweye Wacipi, "Sneak-up" (literally, "Scout dance"), is probably related to a warrior society. It is danced by a line of men who simulate the actions of warriors. There is only one Sneak-up dance song (Powers 1962).

3. The Kettle dance, Ceĥohomni Wacipi, " They dance around the kettle" dance, sometimes called "Pot dance," is a custom originally observed in the Grass dance. It is danced prior to the feast. The dancers, two or four of whom are armed with forked sticks, pass around the kettle, finally spearing prime pieces of dog meat contained within. This dance has been routinized since the late 1950's for use as a show dance at the Intertribal Ceremonial at Gallup, New Mexico, as well as at other public performances. There are five separate Kettle dance songs, which are sung in specific order.

4. The Hoop dance, Cangleška Wacipi, "Hoop Dance," is rarely seen as a show dance, although it was popular as a show dance during the 1940's and 1950's.

5. Miscellaneous. There are a number of dances related to former societies which are occasionally performed in cnjunction with smaller powwows. Honor songs are frequently sung to recognize important individuals.

Men's Costumes

The traditional Lakota costume circa 1900 consisted of a porcupine and deer tail headdress, beaded or porcupine quilled moccasins, cuffs and armbands, bone chokers and breastplates, and beaded and sequined aprons. The basic body attire was either dyed long underwear or shirts and trousers of non-Indian manufacture. The "bustles" were clusters of predatory bird and gallinaceous fowl feathers arranged rather haphazardly, thus leading some observers to call them "mess bustles." The earlier "crow belt" was also popular. There was no particular attempt to match the beadwork and featherwork. Many old-timers wore traditional "chief suits," consisting of a warbonnet, and matching buckskin shirts and leggings.

In the late 1940's and early 1950's there was a gradual decline in traditional costumes;   in the mid-1950's the typical dance costume was replaced by a poorly simulated Oklahoma Fancy dance costume. For about five years there seemed to be no direction to Oglala costume styles;   outlandish substitutes for costumes were used. Then in the 1960's the North Dakota fringed costume began to appear. Although the Northern costume featured the common hair roach, decorated " choke springs" were inserted in place of eagle feathers. There was a marked absence of " bustles." The outstanding characteristic of the costume was the heavily fringed back apron, and matching shirts and pants (usually black) which had V-shaped designs outlined in long ribbon and chainette fringe. The costume was replete with heavy matching beadwork;   the gallus was much longer than that worn in Oklahoma, sometimes reaching to the ankles. Belts were wider;   cuffs, larger. Many dancers wore sneakers instead of moccasins. Accessories for this costume were not limited to beadwork. Sequins, rhinestones, and miscellaneous items from the local dry goods stores were used as decorations. Individual ornamentation was highly creative, yet all the costumes were definitely discernible as "northern."

Since the 1970's, the Oglala and Sicangu at Rosebud have somewhat modified the North Dakota costume into what they call the "real Sioux" or "New Sioux" outfit. It is necessarily a combination of the Oklahoma and North Dakota styles, retaining the tailored bustles of the South and the fringe and heavy beadwork of the North.

Since the end of the 1970's, old-time costumes have become popular again. While many of the older conservatives have costumes from the 1900 period, few of them wear them at powwows.

Women's Costumes

While many of the women still own traditional dresses with characteristic full beaded yokes, most of them wear homemade cotton dresses or dresses of non-Indian manufacture. All, however, wear hand-fringed shawls, or substitutes, when they dance. This has led the announcer to refer to the women as "shawl dancers."

Peyote Paraphernalia

For all practical purposes, Peyote paraphernalia does not exist as a dancer's costume accessory.

Patriotic Organizations

As in Oklahoma, various Indian patriotic organizations are active at powwows.

Oklahoma Elements Found in Pan-Tetonism

By comparing elements found in Oklahoma Pan-Indianism with those in Pan-Tetonism, it becomes clear which Oklahoma or non-Indian elements have infiltrated the Pan-Teton complex. The most outstanding (in the order of their frequency) are (1) the Fancy War dance style, with its related costume;   (2) the contest, which is beginning to decline except at urban powwows and fairs;   (3) the powwow princess;   (4) the procession, which now is represented at Pine Ridge by the Grand Entry;   and (5) female War dancers.

Compared with the total number of elements comprising Pan-Tetonism, the above elements represent about 20 percent of the Pan-Teton aggregate. Round dance, Forty-nine, Stomp dance, the Oklahoma "specials" (with the exception of the Hoop dance), the head and tail dancers, and the appearance of Peyote paraphernalia do not exist at all in Pan-Tetonism. This accounts for approximately 50 percent of Oklahoma elements which do not manifest themselves in Pan-Tetonism. The remaining 30 percent represents common Plains elements that are present in both Oklahoma Pan-Indianism and Pan-Tetonism.

On the other hand, of the 20 percent of Oklahoma elements found in Pan-Tetonism, half have been influenced by the North Dakota style (War dance, contest, and whistle bearer), so that essentially very little of Oklahoma Pan-Indianism exists in Pan-Tetonism.

Pan-Teton Elements Found in Oklahoma Pan-Indianism

The Pan-Teton complex also contributes certain elements to the Pan-Indian aggregate. The most important is music, but Teton music is not supplanting Oklahoma music;   it merely influences it. It appears that more and more Teton, or at least "Northern," songs will influence Pan-Indian singers off the Lakota reservations.

The only other elements influencing the Pan-Indian aggregate are (1) the Northern style of War dance and (2) men's costuming. These influences are being strongly felt in urban areas. Only a few Northern dancers have appeared in Oklahoma, and at this time the Oklahomans are skeptical of their intrusion. It is difficult to predict how popular Northern style will be in Oklahoma - if it ever is - but its influence is certainly a major factor among the Oglala, and it would appear that by accepting the Northern complex, which is basically Pan-Teton, the Oglala are essentially striving to adhere to that which is Lakota rather than that which is "Indian."

Oglala:   Survival Versus Revival

The connotation of Pan-Indianism is not only nationalization but also survival. But in what direction is Pan-Indianism leading the American Indian?   Will he ever reach the point where tribal identity is lost in a potpourri of "Indianness"?   Will Oglala tribalism be submerged in a Pan-Teton complex, to be lost later in a true Pan-Indian aggregate?   I think not.   Rather, might not Pan-Indianism lead its members into a stronger appreciation of tribalism?   Let us briefly examine Oglala history, as well as some significant movements in Oklahoma.

Authorities do not agree in which direction Pan-Indianism is leading American Indians. While there is a definite trend toward similarity of religious, economic, and political thought, the trends of dance and dance costumes are less predictable. A priori one should assume that there is a trend toward the disintegration of tribalism. However, even in Oklahoma, which is considered the cradle of Pan-Indianism, several tribal functions have been revived in the prime of the Pan-Indian movement. Among these are the Ponca rejuvenation of the Hethuska, the Kiowa Black Legging Society, and the Kiowa-Apache Black Foot Society. While these survivals may not be based entirely on distinctively tribal functions of the nineteenth century, they nevertheless are an indication that active tribes need something more than the homogeneity of Pan-Indianism to fulfill their identity as Indians (Powers 1966).

The Oglala had at least one significant revival in 1959, when the Sun dance, including its self-torture, was performed. Before that time the U.S. government had prohibited the torture. Since 1959 the Sun dance has been performed every summer, each year with more and more dancers participating in the "piercing."

There are some other revivals of lesser importance. The Kettle dance has been performed occasionally on the reservation;   earlier it survived only as a show dance performed off the reservation. A change in the character of the dance has occured:   there is today more religious symbolism involved than was true than when witnessing the "traditional" form in 1949. In general, an attitude prevails today that whatever is "old-time" is similarly "religious." Because of this attitude, revived secular events may assume a new, religious significance.

Some women, at least at the smaller functions, are dancing "old-time," that is, simply bobbing in place around the outer perimeter of the dance area. This was the old Oglala style of dance until the mid-1950's, when, under the Oklahoma influence, women began to dance in the same area as the men. Another change is that, at the larger functions, the Oglala women dance clockwise around the men, performing the graceful "walking" step of the Oklahoma women. However, they dance on the inside of the circle near the center pole, in contrast with the Oklahoma women, who dance among the men and in the same direction.

Further, women do not wear traditional costuming to the extent they did before the mid-1950's;   they simply wear shawls over cotton dresses. They still own traditional costumes but, like the men, now consider them "antiques" and hesitate to risk damaging them by use. A great deal of men's costuming reminiscent of the 1940's and early 1950's has been worn since the 1966 Sun dance celebration. Such costuming was not prevalent in the late 1950's and early 1960's, and indicates a strong preference for tribalism.

While there are bilingual announcements at the larger celebrations, at the small functions they are in Lakota. Many public signs are written in Lakota, and Lakota books are still published at the local schools.

Another subject reported elsewhere (Powers 1977, 1982, 1986; see Lakota Spirituality) is the retention of religious practices. Yuwipi, the sweat lodge, and vision quest are still popular rituals even among the younger generation.

It would appear that if the behaviors which are Pan-Indianism do not lead directly to tribalism, they at least give tribal members an opportunity to reconsider the vitalization of important ceremonies and customs.

It also appears that with the strong North Dakota influence of the 1960's, which was characteristically more conservative than Oklahoma Pan-Indianism, what appears as "new" to the Oglala is really a revival. A case in point is the custom of begging from tent to tent by a group of singers. This custom, called in English "Doorway" or "they dance in front of the doorway," was introduced at the 1962 Sun dance as a North Dakota custom. Upon investigation, however, it was found to have also been observed at Pine Ridge "a long time ago," and is related to what Densmore (1918) calls "Begging dance."

Summary

Pan-Indianism has been treated as an aggregate which has not been sufficiently investigated. It comprises elements, which may be traced to either a tribal or a non-Indian origin, which in turn evolve and change. Within Pan-Indianism there is a smaller but equally vital complex which may be called Pan-Tetonism.

By comparing the elements of Oklahoma Pan-Indianism with Pan-Tetonism we find that fewer Oklahoma traits than North Dakota traits influence the Oglala. Although there was a strengthening of Oklahoma Pan-Indianism in the mid-1950's, the prominent features are being replaced by Northern traits. This gives the impression that the Oglala still maintain a closer allegiance to that which is Lakota than to that which is "Indian."

There is some indication that Pan-Indianism may be directing American Indians to a stronger appreciation of tribal traits. The Oglala, as well as some Oklahoma tribes, have brought about such revivals. There is also some indication that forgotten customs may reappear under the guise of modern innovations.